
TEXTS ADOPTED
Texts adopted
(June 2000)
The Assembly,
(i) Aware of the crucial importance of the WEU associate member countries to peace and security in Europe;
(ii) Taking account of the central role of the associate members in all WEU institutions since the creation of associate member status;
(iii) Welcoming the stated readiness of the six countries concerned to continue to contribute to European defence through its new institutions;
(iv) Noting with concern, however, that neither the Cologne nor the Helsinki European Councils gave a clear response to the matter of an appropriate form of participation for associate members in the new Common European Security and Defence Policy;
(v) Recalling Decision 23 adopted at the special session of the Assembly in Lisbon;
(vi) Noting with concern that the level of participation of the associate members in the ESDP may not match up to that currently offered them in WEU, given that the Helsinki European Council reaffirmed that such participation will be "without prejudice to the Union's decision-making autonomy";
(vii) Noting with concern therefore that the associate members may be consulted only in the event of NATO assets being used or where their own national forces are involved in peace operations, while their current participation in WEU is analogous to that of the full members;
(viii) Noting with concern that contrary to the spirit of Amsterdam, the European Council no longer plans to absorb WEU acquis in its entirety, including associate member participation, and envisages taking only WEU's operational aspects into the ESDP;
(ix) Expressing its disquiet that, to the extent that all WEU structures are not to be taken into the European Union in the immediate future and that the associate members are not represented in the ESDP interim bodies, their ability to play a continuing part in European defence may be compromised,
RECOMMENDS THAT THE COUNCIL
The Assembly,
(i) Thanking the Council for rapidly conveying the second part of its forty-fifth annual report and the detailed information contained therein;
(ii) Noting that the Council's informal reflection process on Security and Defence Europe deals with the preparation of WEU's legacy and problems connected with the inclusion of those WEU functions that the European Union regards as necessary to fulfil its responsibilities in the area of crisis management, but that the parliamentary dimension is not part of that process;
(iii) Aware that the Council and the Assembly will continue to exist for as long as the modified Brussels Treaty remains in force and that they both bear the prime responsibility for application of the Treaty;
(iv) Reminding the Council nevertheless that the modified Brussels Treaty assigns it responsibilities with a view to promoting the progressive integration of Europe and cooperation with other European organisations and that the Treaty on European Union, which states that WEU is an integral part of its development, confers upon it additional tasks in respect of the European Union;
(v) Recalling that the parliamentary dimension of European security and defence forms part of WEU's legacy and that the Council must exercise its responsibility with a view to guaranteeing the continuity of such dimension;
(vi) Stressing the fundamental importance of WEU's responsibility to ensure that the establishment of direct cooperation between the European Union and NATO can be successfully achieved once WEU ceases to play its pivotal role between the European Union and NATO;
(vii) Stressing also the need for the Council urgently to clarify what is to become of those WEU responsibilities that are not transferred to the European Union and the resultant consequences for WEU as an Organisation;
(viii) Strongly desirous that WEU, whose major achievements since its reactivation laid the foundations for the initiatives that led to the Cologne and Helsinki decisions, should do its utmost to further the success of projects to be finalised between now and the end of 2000;
(ix) Welcoming with satisfaction the Declaration issued at the Helsinki Summit which confirms that the European Union recognises that primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security lies with the United Nations Security Council,
RECOMMENDS THAT THE COUNCIL
The Assembly,
Considering that the Council has conveyed its decision on the draft budget of the Assembly for the year 2000,
COMMENDS the Council on having conveyed its opinion on the draft budget of the Assembly for the year 2000 before the end of 1999;
STRONGLY REGRETS that the Council did not agree to the Assembly's requests as regards permanent staff, namely the creation of two analyst posts (grade A2) in the Defence and Political Sections, and the staff incentive scheme.
The Assembly,
Considering:
(i) that the Council has transmitted to the Assembly the budgets of the ministerial organs for the financial year 2000, which were approved in December 1999;
(ii) that the operating budgets approved consist, on the one hand, of those for the Secretariat-General, the Military Staff, the WEU Special Operations Fund, the Institute for Security Studies and the Satellite Centre and, on the other, of those for Eurocom, WEAG/WEAO and the Transatlantic Forum;
(iii) that the approved budgets also include the pensions budgets for retired WEU staff;
(iv) that the total amount of the budgets of the ministerial organs for 2000 comes to some 28 million euros, an increase of 1.2% compared with 1999;
(v) that, with this increase, the overall volume of the budgets of the ministerial organs remains unchanged;
(vi) that there is no change to the establishment tables as a whole;
(vii) that the budget year for MAPE operations runs from 12 April 1999 to 11 April 2000, and that there is no indication as to the budget beyond that period;
(viii) that the approved budgets give no indication as to funding for the mine-clearance assistance mission in Croatia that is normally funded by the EU;
(ix) that the approved budgets give no indication as to the budget implications of the decisions taken at the EU Cologne and Helsinki Summits concerning the transfer of certain WEU functions to the European Union;
(x) that the budgets do not, in particular, give any indication about the future of members of staff of the WEU ministerial organs or the possible reintegration elsewhere of those concerned by a restructuring of WEU;
(xi) that, notwithstanding insistent and repeated requests from the Assembly, WEU Paris-based staff are still affiliated to the French social security health insurance scheme pending a reply from the French authorities to a request for disaffiliation agreed by the Council and transmitted to them by the WEU Secretary-General,
RECOMMENDS THAT THE COUNCIL
The Assembly,
(i) Noting that the changes which have occurred in the geostrategic situation in Europe since the end of the cold war, in particular the break-up of former Yugoslavia and the crises in Bosnia, Albania and, more recently, in Kosovo, raise the question of the adequacy of Europe's assets for dealing with new crisis scenarios that might conceivably arise in the shorter and medium term;
(ii) Noting that missions of European forces are necessarily evolving in the direction of carrying out the tasks defined in Petersberg in June 1992;
(iii) Noting furthermore that these new missions require that states undertake operations in multinational frameworks, such as the United Nations, NATO, WEU and the European Union, or in varying forms of coalition;
(iv) Mindful of the European Union member states' commitment to democratic values, human rights and the implementation of the Stability Pact for the Balkans, and of their shared resolve to become involved in managing crises arising on the continent of Europe or at its boundaries;
(v) Welcoming the resolve shown by European Union heads of state and government in both Cologne and Helsinki to make the Union capable of autonomous and credible action in the face of international crises, in line with the Plan for Action adopted by the WEU Assembly on 16 March 1999;
(vi) Endorsing the EU member states' decision to handle the matter in the intergovernmental framework of the European Union's second pillar, which deals with the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP);
(vii) Attaching great importance to the audit of assets and capabilities available for European-led crisis-management operations adopted by the WEU Council of Ministers in Luxembourg, on 23 November 1999;
(viii) Emphasising that the point of the Fifteen's decision in Helsinki to undertake crisis-management operations supported or otherwise by NATO assets and capabilities is not to compete with NATO but, as a partner, to shoulder the burden of crisis management "where NATO as a whole is not engaged";
(ix) Welcoming the progress achieved in framing a Common European Security and Defence Policy (CESDP) within the European Union and on deployment by 2003 of a European force to army corps level capable of undertaking the entire range of Petersberg missions;
(x) Stressing the importance of the decision reached at the Helsinki European Council held on 10 and 11 December 1999 to place crisis-management operations under the political control and strategic direction of the European Union, by creating collective politico-military bodies to that end, in the form of a Political and Security Committee (PSC), a Military Committee and an EU Military Staff;
(xi) Noting the establishment within the European Union from 1 March 2000 of a number of interim bodies responsible for preparatory work on decisions in respect of the future operation of the CESDP;
(xii) Aware of the importance of intelligence in the context of crisis prevention, strategic assessment and situation monitoring and of the fact that, owing to numerous psychological and political obstacles and deeply ingrained suspicions, cooperation in this area is a sensitive matter;
(xiii) Welcoming the information supplied in the annual report of the Council on progress in the operational field particularly in relation to the following:
_ smooth running of the joint NATO/WEU exercise CMX/Crisex 2000, the object of careful preparation through close cooperation between the two organisations;
_ WEU's recent connection to NATO's Battlefield Information Collection and Exploitation System (BICES);
_ enhanced cooperation between the Military Staff and the Satellite Centre, which should improve WEU's capability for strategic evaluation of crises;
(xiv) Stressing the supreme importance of the fifteen European Union member governments concluding an appropriate multilateral agreement with non-EU European members of NATO and applicants for accession to the European Union to allow them such collective participation rights as may be necessary in a wider European security and defence framework;
(xv) Endorsing the transfer to the European Union of certain of WEU's functions,
RECOMMENDS THAT THE COUNCIL
The Assembly,
(i) Considering that the resolve expressed by the European Union at its Helsinki Summit to acquire a rapid reaction force suitable for conducting the missions defined in Petersberg, commanded by a common military staff and under the EU's political responsibility, calls for a transformation of Europe's intelligence assets;
(ii) Noting that the WEU Satellite Centre, which is due to be transferred to the European Union in the coming months, will be called upon in that new framework to perform new tasks;
(iii) Aware that the Cologne Declaration refers explicitly to the need for "a capacity for analysis of situations, sources of intelligence, and a capability for relevant strategic planning" which "may require in particular (...) a satellite centre (...)";
(iv) Considering that the Common European Security and Defence Policy (CESDP) will be implemented within the General Affairs Council by the Political and Security Committee (PSC), which will assume the political and strategic direction of any operations with the assistance of the Military Committee (MC);
(v) Aware that the execution of decisions will be the task of the Military Staff (MS), which will also be responsible for generating the forces necessary for implementing the CESDP, and that in this overall framework the Satellite Centre will be called upon to participate, in conjunction with the MS, in genuine intelligence work for the purpose of applying the space-related aspects of the CESDP on the basis of arrangements which remain to be defined;
(vi) Considering that, in a context of limited defence budgets, the Centre must clearly be tailored to Europe's actual capabilities, so that the necessary financial and technological investments can be adapted accordingly;
(vii) Considering that it would make sense to give the Satellite Centre capabilities in the fields of communications, navigation, real-time data transmission and, in the longer term, early warning and electronic surveillance;
(viii) Recalling, nevertheless, that the dual nature of the Centre's tasks should be maintained and that it should maintain a capacity for civilian services;
(ix) Noting that the question of the new tasks to be assigned to the Centre raises the question of its specific nature, given that the establishment of centralised European military assets may mean either creating a military satellite-management structure, or maintaining a civilian/military structure, or else the existence of an essentially civilian structure which is placed under military authority in specific cases;
(x) Considering that the Centre's militarisation would raise a number of questions of a financial, political, technological and industrial nature;
(xi) Noting, furthermore, that a large part of military requirements could be covered by commercial sources, in particular as regards network services, transmissions and intelligence gathering, as is the case in the United States;
(xii) Considering, nevertheless, that whatever the future nature of the Centre (civilian, military or both), it would be totally inconsistent to rely solely on the commercial sector for carrying out strategic missions, and that Europe should therefore encourage the development of military programmes or of dual-capacity civilian programmes;
(xiii) Emphasising that the Centre's current status of service provider is compatible with the future tasks that Europe may give it in connection with the Petersberg missions and that, from a strictly financial point of view, it would be desirable for the Centre to be capable of supplying telecommunications, meteorological or navigation services, while continuing its remote-sensing activities;
(xiv) Deeming it necessary, furthermore, to develop a European military satellite system which is of national interest to each country, while being of global interest to Europe;
(xv) Considering that the European Union could assist with the funding of such a project in the same way as it is encouraging the development of a navigation system;
(xvi) Noting that neither WEU nor the EU has the legal competence to requisition member states' satellite assets during a crisis;
(xvii) Taking the view that whatever status is decided for the Centre, relations must be established between it and the various institutions and bodies dealing with satellite issues;
(xviii) Considering that it would be essential to involve industry in the Satellite Centre's development, to ensure that the strategic requirements expressed by Europe are in line with the expertise available in Europe;
(xix) Recalling in that regard that it is vital to draw up cooperation arrangements with ESA given the need, on the one hand, for the requisite structures to be defined in cooperation with a space agency, and on the other hand, for the European Space Agency's potential for technical analysis to be tapped, particularly in a wider security framework;
(xx) Stressing also the importance for the Satellite Centre of developing cooperation with the European Commission's Joint Research Centre;
(xxi) Noting, furthermore, that the transfer of the Satellite Centre to the European Union may give rise to problems in connection with the current status of the associate member countries and the future situation of those countries which are currently observers;
(xxii) Considering also the need to define possible relations between the Centre and NATO and the various possibilities for cooperation between them, as well as between the Centre and other organisations such as the OSCE;
(xxiii) Noting also the need to give closer consideration to the possibility of creating a European NIMA based on the proposal from Eucosat, but also taking account of other factors;
(xxiv) Emphasising that the Satellite Centre's future will depend essentially on the means that Europe is prepared to devote to it and on the realistic nature of the tasks assigned to it;
(xxv) Considering that a European defence identity cannot do without a space dimension;
(xxvi) Recalling, finally, Recommendations 646 and 660,
RECOMMENDS THAT THE COUNCIL
_ encouraging the establishment of regular cooperation between the Centre and the international satellite bodies involved in communications and meteorological activities;
_ institutionalising cooperation between the Centre, ESA, the JRC and possibly also the space industry;
_ strengthening cooperation with NATO, in particular at the level of the information transmission chain, the command chain, utilisation standards and equipment;
_ the use of remote-sensing, meteorological and communications tools, as well as electronic surveillance and, in the longer term, early-warning capabilities;
_ a substantial increase in both civilian and military staff;
_ recourse to the whole range of commercial satellites available on the market and the use in specific cases of dedicated military satellites;
_ the creation of an intelligence capability working in cooperation with the future European intelligence service;
_ the creation of a system for the acquisition, management and retransmission of data comparable to the American NIMA;
_ greater independence for the Centre, so that it can take autonomous decisions with regard to certain tasks;
_ the Centre must be able to offer commercial services as well as contracts to European operators and companies in the space sector;
_ it should not be used as a pretext for carrying out national military projects which bear no relation to its operational requirements;
_ recourse to commercial systems must be optimised;
The Assembly,
(i) Observing that parliamentary democracy has to develop in step with changes in society and technological advances so that the wishes of the electorate are better understood and given more effective expression;
(ii) Persuaded of the need to provide parliamentarians with increased opportunities to discuss their ideas with a view to solving problems common to the same geopolitical region;
(iii) Convinced that the WEU Assembly's many years of experience of debate on European security and defence issues has helped create a legacy of parliamentary cooperation and diplomacy that should not be fragmented,
RECOMMENDS THAT THE COUNCIL
The Assembly,
(i) Aware that modern society is increasingly having to contend with the phenomenon of globalisation and that new challenges have to be met in framing individual national policies;
(ii) Convinced that if parliamentarians are to be able to fulfil their remit more effectively, they must have increased opportunities to meet on a more structured basis - such as in international assemblies - and exchange information on problems that are prevalent in a wider geographic context;
(iii) Persuaded that the democratic dialogue, in which parliaments are the interface between the electorate and government, cannot focus solely on national interests since these tie in with and depend on broader geopolitical interests,
INVITES THE NATIONAL PARLIAMENTS
The Assembly,
(i) Noting that there is an acute awareness in the WEU associate member countries of the problems arising in connection with their future cooperation with western institutions, which constitutes one of the priorities of governments;
(ii) Aware that questions pertaining to the future of Europe's common security and defence must be perceived and understood by the public at large;
(iii) Convinced that, in addition to conveying a political message, the dissemination of studies and the organisation of debates by institutions specialised in the field of security and defence can contribute to that public awareness;
(iv) Welcoming the fact that several institutions in the associate member countries are actively engaged in studies and research on foreign policy and international affairs;
(v) Conscious that the associate member countries contribute considerable sums to WEU's overall budget and that, de facto, they co-finance the WEU Institute for Security Studies, giving them certain rights, therefore, notably regarding the possible transfer of the Institute to the European Union;
(vi) Desirous that the WEU Institute for Security Studies should be able to establish a more productive network of contacts with its counterparts elsewhere, which would be conducive to transmitting and disseminating the ideas being developed within the WEU institutions,
RECOMMENDS THAT THE COUNCIL
Support, with the assistance of the WEU Institute for Security Studies, the establishment of more effective channels of communication with the institutions in the associate member countries specialising in international policy, with a view to the wider dissemination to the public at large of information about WEU's thinking on the future of Europe's security and defence.
The Assembly,
(i) Noting that the United States National Missile Defence initiative raises serious questions in the context of the global strategic balance and, consequently, European defence;
(ii) Fearing, in addition, that Russia's opposition to any revision of the ABM Treaty will give rise to a serious crisis with the United States in the event of deployment of American NMD and will thus upset the delicate global strategic balance,
REQUESTS
the governments of the WEU members of the North Atlantic Alliance to present a joint position which is to be defined by all the countries belonging to WEU (28) and the European Union before seeking agreement with the United States in the framework of the Alliance.
The Assembly,
Pursuant to Decision 23 of the Assembly on "European security and defence: the parliamentary dimension" adopted at the Special Session held in Lisbon on 21 March 2000,
DECIDES
Forthwith to use as its title and ordinary appellation:
"ASSEMBLY OF WESTERN EUROPEAN UNION
THE INTERIM EUROPEAN SECURITY AND DEFENCE ASSEMBLY".
"The Steering Committee for the
European Security and Defence Assembly"
a. |
a draft Charter for the ESDA; |
b. |
the remit and a legal foundation for the ESDA; |
c. |
the size and composition of the ESDA; |
d. |
the status of countries participating in the ESDA: EU member states and states which are either candidates for accession to the EU or non-EU European NATO states; |
e. |
the modalities for the European Parliament's participation in the ESDA; |
f. |
voting rights for countries participating in the ESDA and for the European Parliament; |
g. |
the committee structure for the ESDA; |
h. |
draft rules of procedure for the ESDA; |
i. |
administrative and other matters concerning the setting up of the ESDA; |
j. |
financial and budgetary arrangements for the ESDA. |
The Assembly,
(i) Acknowledging that peace, prosperity and stability in south-eastern Europe are a strategic priority for the European Union, WEU and their member states and that the EU's overall objective is the fullest possible integration of the countries of the region into the political and economic mainstream of Europe;
(ii) Recognising that with a total of 9 billion euros, the EU and its member states are by far the most important donors of aid and assistance to south-eastern Europe;
(iii) Considering that in order to ensure the substantial sums made available by donors are used to best effect, there needs to be an improvement in the way the administrative bodies responsible for the use of those funds operate and the creation of genuine transparency in financial management;
(iv) Taking the view moreover, that action is necessary against organised crime, whose influence has come to pervade the whole of the Balkans;
(v) Welcoming the positive changes taking place in Croatia following the recent legislative and presidential elections which have opened perspectives for a closer relationship between Croatia and the EU, progress on Croatia's obligations under the Dayton Peace Agreement and its unreserved commitment to regional cooperation;
(vi) Welcoming the economic reforms and political stability in FYROM which allowed it to start negotiations on a Stabilisation and Association Agreement in March 2000, while recognising that a considerable effort is still needed to carry out all the reforms that are required;
(vii) Convinced that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia will continue to present the biggest threat to peace and stability in the region of south-eastern Europe as a whole for as long as President Milosevic and his regime are in power;
(viii) Acknowledging that selective sanctions aimed at that regime will remain a necessary part of the policy the EU is pursuing in its endeavours to bring about democratic change in Serbia, but considering at the same time that a serious effort must be made to develop a comprehensive dialogue with Serbian civil society at all possible levels and to support the democratic opposition;
(ix) Considering that there are doubts about the effectiveness of the sanctions policy against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), which was intended first to make the FRY change its policy towards the newly independent republics of former Yugoslavia and Kosovo and then to force President Milosevic and his regime to step down, but whose sole effect so far appears to be the further isolation of the government and population of a country which is one of the essential keys to peace and prosperity in south-eastern Europe, and which has not attained the objective of bringing down the present regime;
(x) Aware of the mounting tension between the government of Montenegro and the regime in Belgrade over a more equal and democratic relationship between the two republics of the FRY that is being sought by the government of Montenegro;
(xi) Aware that President Milosevic will try to exploit the stand-off between the two republics to his own advantage, even by using force or provoking civil strife, but convinced that any dispute between the two republics has to be settled by peaceful means;
(xii) Welcoming the EU's determination to take the decisions necessary to meet Montenegro's immediate financial needs and to provide it with macro-economic assistance to help it carry out democratic reforms and achieve economic prosperity;
(xiii) Aware that Albania is still facing serious problems in terms of institutional instability, governance, basic administrative procedures and the rule of law which need to be addressed before negotiations on a Stabilisation and Association Agreement can be opened;
(xiv) Considering that the Multinational Advisory Police Element (MAPE) is playing an important role in supporting the Albanian Government's fight against crime and corruption, but convinced that it needs an extended mandate in order to allow WEU police officers to take on active police duties, while care should also be taken to ensure that its original advice and training programmes continue to be implemented;
(xv) Aware that Albania needs international support and assistance to develop its economy and society, but considering that the key to success lies in the country itself and in the hands of the political parties which should stop their feuding and join forces to deal with the country's priorities;
(xvi) Noting that the implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement in Bosnia and Herzegovina is making only slow progress, in particular as regards the return of refugees and displaced persons;
(xvii) Considering that in the years following the conclusion of the Dayton Peace Agreement the delicate military balance between the two entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina may have shifted to the disadvantage of the armed forces of Republika Srpska, as a result of reduced military support from the FRY stemming from sanctions and the operation in Kosovo and of qualitative and quantitative improvements of the Federation Army through the Train and Equip programme and other bilateral military support programmes;
(xviii) Regretting that the nationalist parties in power are still trying to obstruct the country's development towards a modern democratic market economy by fuelling ethnic hatred and blocking or slowing down the process of political and economic reform, as a result of which the country continues to be dependent on donors;
(xix) Considering that there is no conclusive explanation for the fact that almost five years after the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement, SFOR has not yet detained either Radovan Karadzic or Ratko Mladic who are among the most sought-after war criminals of the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina;
(xx) Noting that insecurity, anarchy and violence are still widespread in Kosovo, notwithstanding a massive presence of foreign troops to keep the peace and guarantee security, and of international organisations to help govern and reconstruct the province;
(xxi) Recognising that UNMIK does not receive the equipment or financial support it needs to establish an effective administration, police and judiciary in Kosovo, these being essential for peace, security and stability in the country;
(xxii) Noting that uncertainty over Kosovo's future status is understandable in view of the fact that negotiations on this issue with the present regime in Belgrade are out of the question, but considering that decisions on a "political settlement" for Kosovo cannot be postponed for ever given that such a settlement will have a vital impact on such important issues as the legal system and, as a consequence, the means to be employed to fight crime, put an end to violence, develop the economy and attract foreign investment;
(xxiii) Considering that the international aid effort for the reconstruction of Kosovo is too dispersed for it to be coherent and effective and that it would be better for a number of the big donors to concentrate their efforts on rapid reconstruction of the province's basic infrastructure, establishing the basic conditions for healthy economic development;
(xxiv) Considering that the international community appears to be giving too much support to nationalist and extremist Kosovar Albanian leaders, most of whom are former members of the KLA, who do not give the impression that they are prepared to accept the principles of democratic government and who wish to keep the province under their control using whatever means are necessary;
(xxv) Emphasising the vital importance of Stability Pact projects for promoting inter-regional cooperation and improving the inter-regional infrastructure which is considered to be the backbone of economic development of the region as a whole and its integration into Europe;
(xxvi) Welcoming the results of the Stability Pact Regional Funding Conference of 29-30 March 2000 in Brussels which led to a breakthrough, with pledges of more than 2.4 billion euros for quick-start and other projects, including projects for both Kosovo and Montenegro;
(xxvii) Welcoming the progress made in the stabilisation and association process for countries in south-eastern Europe which has enabled the EU to start negotiations on a Stabilisation and Association Agreement with FYROM, while other countries are to receive assistance to prepare them for the start of negotiations on such an agreement,
RECOMMENDS THAT THE COUNCIL
The Assembly,
(i) Recalling Recommendations 651 and 663 on the situation in Kosovo where the Council was requested to:
(ii) Noting with satisfaction that the European Corps which forms part of FAWEU took command of KFOR operations as from April 2000;
(iii) Considering the efforts made by the European Corps HQ to organise and train for its role as parent HQ to KFOR from April 2000;
(iv) Preoccupied by persistent instability and insecurity in Kosovo a year after the end of Operation Allied Force;
(v) Concerned about the existence of flash-points of intercommunal tension and armed conflict, particularly in Mitrovica and along the demilitarised zone;
(vi) Considering the scope of KFOR missions, in particular for "establishing a safe environment and guaranteeing security and public order";
(vii) Considering the discussions in progress among a number of European countries with a view to setting up a multinational force for maintaining public security and law and order;
(viii) Considering the importance in the context of KFOR missions of the support role of UNMIK and provision of backup for the international humanitarian effort in liaison with governmental and non-governmental organisations and local civilian community leaders;
(ix) Expressing support for KFOR staff in carrying out their mission to make the territory secure, rebuild its infrastructure and restore law and order under the difficult conditions prevailing in Kosovo,
RECOMMENDS THAT THE COUNCIL